An essay on liberalism and independence in decisions

It wasn't a fight I went looking for. On March 3, the popular radio host Mark Levin opened his show with an outburst he always opens his show with an outburst:

An essay on liberalism and independence in decisions

Their numbers have grown exponentially over the past century and now stand at hundreds of thousands nationwide. Yet the dissident English colonists who framed the United States Constitution would have seen this modern 'police state' as alien to their foremost principles.

Under the criminal justice model known to the Framers, professional police officers were unknown. At the time of the Constitution 's ratification, the office of sheriff was an appointed position, and constables were either elected or drafted from the community to serve without pay.

The courts of that period were venues for private litigation — whether civil or criminal — and the state was rarely a party. Professional police as we know them today originated in American cities during the second quarter of the nineteenth century, when municipal governments drafted citizens to maintain order.

An essay on liberalism and independence in decisions

The modern police-driven model of law enforcement helps sustain a playing field that is fundamentally uneven for different players upon it. Modern police act as an army of assistants for state prosecutors and gather evidence solely with an eye toward the state's interests. Police seal off crime scenes from the purview of defense investigators, act as witnesses of convenience for the state in courts of law, and instigate a substantial amount of criminal activity under the guise of crime fighting.

Additionally, police enforce social class norms and act as tools of empowerment for favored interest groups to the disadvantage of others.

They conducted their investigations in the manner of neighborhood sleuths, dispersing throughout the community to question people about their knowledge of crimes.

In the early s, grand jurors were sometimes called upon to make arrests in cases where suspects were armed and in large numbers. And when called upon to enforce the laws of the state, citizens were to respond "not faintly and with lagging steps, but honestly and bravely and with whatever implements and facilities [were] convenient and at hand.

The duty of citizens to enforce the law was and is a constitutional one. Many early state constitutions purported to bind citizens into a universal obligation to perform law enforcement functions, yet evinced no mention of any state power to carry out those same functions.

By the s, only twelve percent of the public claimed to have ever personally acted to combat crime.

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The term "police" had a slightly different meaning at the time of the Founding. Although a puritan cultural and legal ethic pervaded their society, Americans had great toleration for victimless misconduct. The night watch of early American cities concerned itself primarily with the danger of fire, and watchmen were often afraid to enter some of the most notorious neighborhoods of cities like Boston.This essay delves deeply into the origins of the Vietnam War, critiques U.S.

justifications for intervention, examines the brutal conduct of the war, and discusses the . As you can see from the chart, the percentage of Americans who had a “great deal” or a “fair amount” of trust in the news media has declined from over 70 percent shortly after .

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America; Bermuda; Botswana; Brazil; Chile; China; Czech Republic; El Salvador; England; Estonia. [Content warning: Discussion of social justice, discussion of violence, spoilers for Jacqueline Carey books.] [Edit 10/ This post was inspired by a debate with a friend of a friend on Facebook who has since become somewhat famous.

Br. Aurelius Moner is a Catholic monk who was has left the "nice" philosophy of Liberalism behind, having come to understand that the judgment, authority and strength of the Patriarchy is necessary to save civilization from "nice" people.

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